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For instance, in University of Houston sociologist Tatcho Mindiola’s 2002 survey of 600 Latinos in Houston (two-thirds of whom were Mexican, the remainder Salvadoran and Colombian) and 600 African Americans, the African Americans had substantially more positive views of Latinos than Latinos had of African Americans. Although a slim majority of the U.S.-born Latinos used positive identifiers when describing African Americans, only a minority of the foreign-born Latinos did so. One typical foreign-born Latino respondent stated: “I just don’t trust them. The men, especially, all use drugs, and they all carry guns.”

This same study found that 46% of Latino immigrants who lived in residential neighborhoods with African Americans reported almost no interaction with them.
The social distance of Latinos from African Americans is consistently reflected in Latino responses to survey questions. In a 2000 study of residential segregation, Camille Zubrinsky Charles, a sociology professor at the University of Pennsylvania, found that Latinos were more likely to reject African Americans as neighbors than they were to reject members of other racial groups. In addition, in the 1999-2000 Lilly Survey of American Attitudes and Friendships, Latinos identified African Americans as their least desirable marriage partners, whereas African Americans proved to be more accepting of intermarriage with Latinos.

Ironically, African Americans, who are often depicted as being averse to coalition-building with Latinos, have repeatedly demonstrated in their survey responses that they feel less hostility toward Latinos than Latinos feel toward them."

— Tanya K. Hernandez, "Roots of Latino/black anger." Los Angeles Times, 2007. archive.ph/b8xKq

"The fact is that racism — and anti-black racism in particular — is a pervasive and historically entrenched reality of life in Latin America and the Caribbean. More than 90% of the approximately 10 million enslaved Africans brought to the Americas were taken to Latin America and the Caribbean (by the French, Spanish and British, primarily), whereas only 4.6% were brought to the United States. By 1793, colonial Mexico had a population of 370,000 Africans (and descendants of Africans) — the largest concentration in all of Spanish America.

The legacy of the slave period in Latin America and the Caribbean is similar to that in the United States: Having lighter skin and European features increases the chances of socioeconomic opportunity, while having darker skin and African features severely limits social mobility."

— Tanya K. Hernandez, "Roots of Latino/black anger." Los Angeles Times, 2007. archive.ph/b8xKq

Families Traumatized After U.S. Deports Honduran Women and American Children

The families of two Honduran women deported by the administration of former President Donald Trump — along with three American children, one of whom is battling cancer, and a Honduran girl — are facing a deeply traumatic situation, according to their lawyers and human rights activists. In a new case highlighting the impact of Trump-era […]
The post [...]

#Featured #Honduras #LatinAmerica #News

ticotimes.net/2025/04/28/famil

The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate · Families Traumatized After U.S. Deports Honduran Women and American ChildrenTwo Honduran mothers and three American children, including a child with cancer, were deported under Trump-era immigration policies, sparking legal challenges and human rights concern

Labor-atories of Digital EconomiesLatin America as a Site of Struggles and Experimentation

Rafael Grohmann

"This article argues that digital labor developments and struggles are laboratories of digital economies, with a special focus on Latin America. This means that, on the one hand, capital is experimenting with and updating forms of control and exploitation through the long trajectory of informality and de-pendency and, on the other hand, workers are trying and experimenting with forms of organizing and collectivities, also updating Latin America’s rich histories of organizing, solidarity economies, and community technologies. The emphasis on “labor” implies that these laboratories are products of class struggles and capital – labor relationships. The paper unpacks the argument with four short insights from ongoing research, addressing 1) Latin America as more than a research site, 2) the updating of informality in the Latin American artificial intelligence context, 3) the global implications of data work, artifi-cial intelligence value chains, and the cultural sector, and 4) digital solidarity economies as a Latin American response to the current digital labor scenario, including digital sovereignty and autonomy."

ojs.weizenbaum-institut.de/ind

#LatinAmerica #DigitalEconomy #DigitalLabor #AI #Informality #Digital Sovereignty

ojs.weizenbaum-institut.deView of Labor-atories of Digital Economies

Analysis: "It seems as if the entire, dishonorable history of U.S. lawlessness in Latin America is distilled in the saga of Kilmar Ábrego García"

"Some see Ábrego García’s arrival in El Salvador as marking a new, dark chapter in U.S. history, but Washington has long supported and harnessed lawlessness in Latin America to pursue its own aims."

theintercept.com/2025/04/22/tr

#trump #bukele #immigrants #racism #dictatorship #latinamerica .

The Intercept · The Long History of Lawlessness in U.S. Policy Toward Latin AmericaPar Greg Grandin

Analysis: "It seems as if the entire, dishonorable history of U.S. lawlessness in Latin America is distilled in the saga of Kilmar Ábrego García"

"Some see Ábrego García’s arrival in El Salvador as marking a new, dark chapter in U.S. history, but Washington has long supported and harnessed lawlessness in Latin America to pursue its own aims."

theintercept.com/2025/04/22/tr

#trump #bukele #immigrants #racism #dictatorship #latinamerica .

The Intercept · The Long History of Lawlessness in U.S. Policy Toward Latin AmericaPar Greg Grandin

Analysis: "It seems as if the entire, dishonorable history of U.S. lawlessness in Latin America is distilled in the saga of Kilmar Ábrego García"

"Some see Ábrego García’s arrival in El Salvador as marking a new, dark chapter in U.S. history, but Washington has long supported and harnessed lawlessness in Latin America to pursue its own aims."

theintercept.com/2025/04/22/tr

#trump #bukele #immigrants #racism #dictatorship #latinamerica .

The Intercept · The Long History of Lawlessness in U.S. Policy Toward Latin AmericaPar Greg Grandin